Kalemeh TV was primarily founded by dissident Sunni scholars from the Achomi (Khodmooni) people of southern Fars and Hormozgan, who maintain deep kinship and historical ties with Sunni communities across the Persian Gulf, alongside scholars from the Baloch and Kurdish nations. Beyond its founders, the network served as a broad platform representing all Sunni peoples living under Khomeinist rule, including Persian Sunnis from Iranian Khorasan and other communities, and it even gave a vital voice to Persian-speaking Afghan Sunnis. Operating entirely independently of the Tehran regime, these united peoples challenged a post-Safavid imperial order stretching from the shahs to the ‘ayatollahs’. This reflected a wider reality across these lands: unlike the heavily state-subsidised Shia religious establishment born of that imperial system, Sunni mosques, schools, and institutions have historically had to rely almost entirely on donations from within the Sunni community itself.

I know this first-hand because the same network of wealthy, devout Sunni Iranian businessmen who fund and sustain mosques and religious institutions in Iran also provided the financial support that enabled Kalemeh TV to operate, with zero financial backing from any Arab state. The channel was therefore not some foreign-sponsored project imposed upon Iranian Sunnis; it was an Iranian Sunni initiative, established and sustained by Iranian Sunnis themselves. Indeed, as I will explain, some of the very Arab regimes that might have been expected to support an independent Sunni Iranian voice would eventually become obstacles almost as significant as the Rafidi regime itself.

Long before any other Iranian Sunni dared to step into satellite broadcasting, my mentor and esteemed friend, Dr Abdul Rahim Mollazadeh (Abu Muntasir al-Balushi), had already pioneered this da’wah frontier single-handedly—a legacy that remains unmatched to this day. A towering figure renowned across both the Persianate and Arab media landscapes, he commands immense, enduring respect. His legacy was cemented in the early 2000s during Ramadan when he entered the intellectual arena on Al-Mustakillah TV in London: the historic first instance where live Sunni-Shia debates were broadcast to millions across satellite television.

What drove the Iranian Khomeinist regime completely insane with rage was that standing on the Sunni front line was an Iranian Sunni, born and raised inside Iran, speaking fluent Arabic, and thoroughly versed in the deepest classical texts of both Ahl al-Sunnah and the Twelver Rafidah Shia. The Tehran regime could not stomach it. They dispatched their pet clown, the Sufi-turned-Rafidi convert Muhammad al-Tijani al-Samawi, alongside a parade of other pathetic clerics and state agents, only for Dr Mollazadeh to academically demolish and annihilate them on live air night after night. Those were truly legendary days for anyone blessed enough to witness them, or as we say in Persian, یادش به خیر (yādash beh kheyr [may its memory be blessed]), and as the Arabs say, أيام زمان (ayyām zamān [the good old days]).

Yet beyond his academic mastery, Dr Mollazadeh possessed a profound spiritual foresight (baṣīrah) regarding the trajectory of Iranian Sunni media. Years before I ever set foot in Kalemeh TV’s studios, he had already seen through the superficial posturing and raised stern, prescient warnings about the moral and intellectual compromises of certain individuals running the network. While some of the network’s presenters were his former university peers, he foresaw how weak-willed pragmatism would eventually curdle into betrayal. History has vindicated his warnings down to the letter.

Kalemeh TV quickly became one of the most, if not the most, popular and widely watched Persian-language Sunni television channels, particularly among Sunnis inside Iran. Its existence was vital because, while the Khomeinist regime permits certain Sunni religious institutions and figures to operate, it does not tolerate genuinely independent Sunni voices that challenge its ideological line. Independent, non-regime-compliant Sunni media have effectively been denied any meaningful access to Iran’s domestic airwaves, even in provinces where Sunnis form the majority. Instead, the regime seeks to define for Sunnis what constitutes an acceptable form of Sunni Islam, while those who fall outside its carefully controlled boundaries or challenge its policies are routinely dismissed, discredited or demonised as ‘Wahhabis’. With the airwaves monopolised, our people were forced to rely on satellite broadcasts if they wanted to hear an independent Sunni voice rather than the regime’s sanitised, state-approved version of Sunni Islam.

Kalemeh TV was initially registered in London (where many Sunni Iranians and ex-Shia turned Sunni Iranians live), but the primary staff operated out of the UAE out of sheer necessity. The vast majority of diaspora Sunni Iranians, particularly southern Persians (Khodmooni/Achomi), Hormozgani Arabs, and Baloch, reside across the Persian Gulf states rather than in the West.

You must understand the immense, existential vulnerability defining this demographic: many Sunni Iranians are left completely exposed. The only travel document they possess is the virtually useless passport issued by the Khomeinist regime, an entity that considers every single outspoken Sunni activist an internal enemy and an existential threat. If they are deported back to Iran, their lives are placed in immediate, mortal danger. The regime’s kangaroo courts will effortlessly brand them with their favourite thought-terminating smears: slapping them with charges of being ‘Zionist-Wahhabi agents’, identical to the smear tactics weaponised by Zionists against their critics, and disgustingly mirrored by online pseudo-Sunni hypocrites like the zindiq Daniel Haqiqatjou.

Yet despite residing in the Persian Gulf for decades, and even in cases I know intimately where individuals have direct, generational blood ties to established Sunni families in these countries, these Persian Gulf states refuse to grant them citizenship or even guaranteed permanent residency. They are deliberately kept in indefinite legal limbo on fragile, renewable work visas, existing entirely at the whim of the host security apparatus.

Despite having swords dangling over their necks from every direction, the truthful amongst the du’at refused to remain silent. It was their pure sincerity for the sake of the Qur’an, the Sunnah, and pure Tawhid that drove them forward. Out of sheer devotion to the deen and their oppressed people, they risked everything to expose Rafidi kufr and tear the mask off Khomeini’s heretical state. They did not take up this da’wah for comfort or careerism; they did it knowing full well that one bureaucratic stroke from a Persian Gulf intelligence officer could hand them directly to the executioners of the Iranian Khomeinist regime.

In earlier years, the UAE afforded our du’at and mashayikh operational room to broadcast, albeit under strict red lines prohibiting any criticism of the Emirati state. To state the reality plainly: the UAE of that era had not yet degenerated into the brazen, openly Zionist monster it is today. For displaced Sunni Iranians with no international backing, basing operations in the Persian Gulf was never an ideological endorsement. It was a cold, tactical necessity: one of the only ways to break the regime’s media blackout and get Sunni programming directly into millions of Iranian homes.

There was an obvious difference in scale. The UAE, for all its authoritarian surveillance and strict censorship, had a predictable red line: do not touch domestic politics or foreign policy. In Iran, the repression was total and existential. The Khomeinist apparatus criminalised the very core of our creed, from the untouchable status of the pantheist Sahabah-vilifier Khomeini (Iranian Sunni scholars wrote entire volumes exposing his numerous kufriyyat) down to foundational Sunni theology and the state-sanctioned slandering of the Prophet’s, peace be upon him, companions.

Whenever naive outsiders or dishonest apologists counter by pointing to open Sunni mosques or ‘Sunni’ clerics in Iran, they deliberately obscure the reality. Those regime-approved ‘Sunni’ clerics are nothing more than domesticated mouthpieces: vetted, pressured, or outright purchased by the Ministry of Intelligence to parrot regime propaganda. They function precisely like the criminal ‘barrel-bomb Mufti’ of Syria, Ahmad Badreddin Hassoun: disposable, turbaned Sunni decorum used to rubber-stamp the atrocities of a Rafidi regime. In Iran, genuine, independent Sunni scholarship is met with execution, assassination, or life behind bars; at best, it is coerced into silence and compliance. The mosques left standing operate under relentless intelligence surveillance, permitted to exist only so long as they remain utterly toothless and subservient to the Supreme Leader.

The astute among our du’at and mashayikh were under no illusions about where they stood. They knew the UAE was merely a transactional host, and that an autocratic state would drop them the moment its political interests shifted. But they operated with self-respect and cold pragmatism. They took the opening, did the work, built the audience across Iran, and delivered the message while the window was open.

PART 2: JOINING THE PLATFORM AND MY BROADCASTS

In 2021, one of the heads of the channel, Aqil Hashemi (a southern Hormozgani Persian), approached me to work with them, and I agreed. The channel had tried to sign a deal with me years earlier, but I declined due to other commitments. I was not naive; I viewed the channel as a platform, a flawed one, but something along the lines of YouTube, where there is good and bad and I could do my best to have a wide reach, specifically since Iranians to this very day rely heavily on satellite dishes. I truly believe I made the most of it considering their reach to millions of Iranians alone, alongside viewers from Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and elsewhere.

My very first show with them featured my good friend Abdul-Mohsen Borqei, the grandson of the legendary idol-breaker, Ayatullah Abu al-Fadl Borqei, may Allah have mercy upon him. The late Borqei authored numerous books refuting Twelver Shia Rafidism, called to pure Tawhid, and became the first person in history to translate the abridged version of Shaykh al-Islam Ibn Taymiyyah’s Minhaj al-Sunnah into Persian.

Back then, the affairs of the channel, although far from ideal, were still in far better order. At the time, it was primarily a da’wah network unaligned with any political group or faction, and it certainly didn’t simp for any secular figure. Even with regards to the UAE, they were more of the quietist type than the shameless apologetic type who romanticise all the evils of rulers and regimes.

PART 3: THE TURNING POINT AND SECULAR SLIDE

However, matters deteriorated rapidly with the secular ‘Woman, Life, Freedom’ unrest, as the channel surrendered whatever religious integrity it had left to morph into a cheap political clearing house. Several hosts began routinely rolling out the red carpet for vile secularists, many of whom possessed viciously anti-Islamic, chauvinistic Persian nationalist pedigrees, alongside overtly irreligious figures and mutabarrijāt (unveiled women). They were not brought on air to be academically challenged or theologically refuted, but to be fawned over and consulted for their supposed political expertise, wa-l-‘iyādhu billāh.

At one point, they even brought on a vile, London-based Zionist named Vahid Beheshti. I protested aggressively against this and invested hours of my time editing mini-documentaries myself in English and Persian exposing the pro-Israel Zionist reality of that individual, presenting the evidence directly to the heads of the channel until he was eventually removed from the programming. They claimed they did not know he was a pro-Israel genocide apologist, which was suspicious as hell and an insult to anyone’s intelligence. I know they just played dumb, but I was glad my protest forced them to take him off and do my part in preventing munkar (evil). I suspect they did not want me to leave at that point and expose them through an entire public campaign.

Another major programme was پنج قرن دروغ (Panj Qarn Dorūgh [Five Centuries of Lies]), a direct reference to the half-millennium of spiritual and intellectual decline Iran has endured since the Safavids forcefully imposed Twelver Rafidism onto a historically Sunni populace. On that show, we systematically dismantled the shubuhāt (doubts and polemics) weaponised against Ahl al-Sunnah by the Rafidah, Christian missionaries, Zoroastrian revivalists, and other factions of shirk.

By the grace of Allah, I was not alone in holding the line. A principled contingent of our presenters and scholars remained steadfast, dedicating their airtime strictly to pure Tawhid, the Sunnah, and refuting theological falsehood. Meanwhile, an opposing faction within the channel was rapidly deteriorating, stripping away their religious decorum to behave like cheap newsroom anchors chasing political sensationalism. Unlike that compromised camp, we refused to budge an inch on our manhaj. We never hosted unveiled women on our sets, let alone Zionists, Pahlavist monarchists, or their ilk, even as those very elements were increasingly given free rein across the rest of the schedule.

PART 4: TARGETED BY INFORMANTS AND MY DEPARTURE

This continued until just before Ramadan 2024, when I parted ways with the channel under heavy external pressure due to the fact that I was critical of regional rulers on my personal platforms, particularly the UAE.

Now let us be entirely clear on this point: I never brought up the UAE on my television broadcasts. Why would I? The remit of my shows was strictly the Qur’an, Tawhid, the Sunnah, and dismantling shirk in all its forms primarily for an Iranian audience, alongside our Persian-speaking brothers and sisters across Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and the wider diaspora.

Yet they were so pathologically insecure that even my private commentary outside the studio was treated as an existential crime and threat. The same aforementioned Aqil Hashemi repeatedly claimed he did not want to lose me; after all, he was the one who had pitched for years to bring me onto the channel in the first place. Yet his hands were tied because the other channel heads sharing authority with him (who, unlike him, had turned into staunch Pahlavists) were terrified of the UAE authorities. In their eyes, I had become an intolerable liability simply for exercising my free speech thousands of miles away in London. Furthermore, my uncompromising anti-Pahlavist stances on air directly collided with the Emirati state’s broader regional project of rehabilitating the monarchy alongside Tel Aviv.

It turned out that lowlife informants and regime bootlickers, the archetype of people like Faris Hammadi, had spent months throughout 2023 and likely even 2022 trying everything to get me removed. Because they could not find a single violation on my actual television programmes, they desperately combed through my personal tweets and social media posts, compiling dossiers to hand over to the UAE police and the Mukhabarat. That is how pathetic they were: scouring the internet to snitch on a presenter who does not even live on their soil.

I later discovered that this exact playbook had been run against other outspoken Iranian Sunni du’at on the network a few years prior, resulting in some being deported straight back to Iran. It was an outright death sentence. Unlike me, they did not possess the shield of a European passport. But those UAE regime bootlickers could not care less about the blood of Iranian Sunnis or feeding them directly into the jaws of the Khomeinist apparatus.

PART 5: OCTOBER 7TH AND THE ZIONIST TAKEOVER

As mentioned, my departure took place right before Ramadan 2024, and it was a blessing from Allah that I did not fully grasp at the time. I was never financially dependent on them, nor was this ever about a contract dispute. I returned to university, worked, and pursued my master’s degree while raising four children. For the channel, however, matters went from bad to worse, driven directly by the Zionist UAE. Especially after the 7th of October and the genocide in Palestine, the Emirati state shed whatever remained of its mask to become brazenly, openly Zionist.

Consequently, Kalemeh TV degenerated by the day, drifting deeper into a shameless secular-liberal swamp and gradually testing the waters to groom none other than the parasitic pretender, Reza Pahlavi. Outraged viewers flooded them with complaints, demanding to know why serious, unapologetic Sunni content had been gutted to make room for low-rent, newsroom-style political shows fronted by secularists and rabid Pahlavist Zionists.

Yet on Kalemeh TV, this grotesque capitulation was brazenly marketed as perfectly compatible with Islam; the manhaj was utterly castrated. It reached a point of pure absurdity: their presenters began slapping the monarchist lion-and-sun flag right onto their broadcast desks. That flag is rooted in Safavid paganism, and it is just as spiritually repulsive to any real Muslim as Khomeini’s hideous banner with that red crab in the middle they have the nerve to call calligraphy. Yet there they sat, LARPing as Sunni Iranian du’at on live television, spending entire shows singing the virtues and merits of Reza Pahlavi and running damage control for him around the clock.

Since 2025, the situation has decayed completely. Some of my colleagues who are staunchly anti-Pahlavi and anti-Zionist like myself—yet had stayed quiet on the UAE, which is the only reason the channel tolerated them for so long—became vocal critics of this internal shift. For challenging this pro-Pahlavist Zionist pivot, they were purged from the network just as I was. Overnight, the management kicked out three du’at and mashayikh who had served at the channel calling to Islam and the Sunnah from day one, spanning nearly fifteen years.

The remaining regular presenters and ‘experts’, namely Abdul-Fattah Khedmati, Abdul-Qader Torshabi, and Mohammad Kiani, have turned into an emasculated breed of pseudo-Sunnis whom the zanādiqah would label ‘Salafi-Wahhabi Zionists’. In reality, they have nothing to do with Islam anymore; they merely claim it so that Reza Pahlavi and his office can brag: ‘Look, even Iranian Sunnis support me.’

Look at their utter hypocrisy: these very individuals have become apologists for militant Zionists, secularists, and corrupt monarchists under the false banner of political unity. They claim to refute shirk such as ‘Yā ‘Alī Madad’, yet they have merely replaced it with ‘Jāvīd Shāh’. They are no longer a people of ‘Yā Allāh Madad’, and the humiliation sent down upon them by Allah has only just begun.

And let no regime propagandist or naive fool dare accuse us of playing into the hands of Tehran. I have done extensive work refuting the Khomeinist state’s Twelver Rafidi Shia ideology and defending the rights of our oppressed Sunni people across Iran. Yet despite my uncompromising opposition to the Khomeinist apparatus and its heretical creed, I stood unequivocally against the Zionist entity when it attacked Iran. A Twelver Shia, with all his heresy (and there are reformed Shia in Iran who are close to Ahl al-Sunnah, even if they remain a minority), is still closer to Islam than a godless Zionist. I have never cheered, nor will I ever cheer, for Zionist strikes raining down on Iranian soil. That is not merely because Iran is my homeland, beautiful despite the darkness ruling over it, but because basic Islamic justice demands it.

Their cowardly capitulation directly mirrors the aggressive, pro-Zionist trajectory of the UAE and its post-Abraham Accords agenda, which only escalated after October 7th. To naive observers, the capture of an Iranian Sunni television channel might seem like a niche ethnic spat. It is nothing of the sort. It is a direct symptom of the malign, destructive cancer that the United Arab Emirates has become across the Muslim world. This is the very same Emirati regime whose hands are drenched in the blood of hundreds of thousands of innocent Muslims in Sudan through its funding and arming of the genocidal RSF, and the same regime that acts as an economic and logistical lifeline to the Zionist entity while Muslims are starved and butchered in Gaza. That such a regime would subjugate a vulnerable, stateless diaspora of Iranian Sunni du’at and scholars and twist their platform into a cheerleading outlet for Tel Aviv and its Pahlavist lapdogs is entirely on brand. The chain of servitude is obvious: the UAE embraces Tel Aviv, Reza Pahlavi flies to Israel to bow before Netanyahu, and the UAE-based handlers instruct their media assets to fall in line. Now we have Kalemeh TV personalities twisting sacred texts, abusing the Qur’an and Sunnah to sanctify a secular Zionist stooge, and sinking low enough to frame backing him as a religious duty upon Iranian Sunnis.

PART 6: THE PETITION OF SEPTEMBER 2026

When I parted ways with the channel prior to Ramadan 2024, I deliberately kept silent in public for well over two years. I had no desire to air internal grievances, indulge in personal pettiness, or damage what many sincere viewers still hoped was a net-positive platform for Iranian Sunnis. Had I wanted to run a scorched-earth campaign for personal reasons, I had over two years to do so. I walked away, focused on my family and academia, and let matters take their course. But silence in the face of blatant treachery is cowardice, and the fitnah has now reached boiling point.

On 9 September 2026, my mentor and friend, Dr Abu Muntasir al-Balushi, the pioneer of Iranian Sunni broadcasting, forwarded me a joint declaration signed by established Persian-speaking du’at, prominent Iranian Sunni mashayikh, and activists across the globe. They are formally denouncing and disavowing the Zionist-UAE-Pahlavist hijacking of Kalemeh TV. When the founding father of Iranian Sunni satellite television, alongside dozens of well-known Iranian Sunni scholars and figures, unite to put their names to this scathing condemnation, it leaves no room for doubt: the channel has completely apostatised from its founding mission. I was asked to add my signature, and I did so without a moment’s hesitation.

I share all of this with you, my brothers and sisters, so you can see just how insidious the reach of the Israel-allied UAE regime truly is. They could not tolerate even a single semi-independent Iranian Sunni platform within their borders, despite the fact that, aside from my own brief tenure, the channel had never once challenged their domestic or foreign policies.

Instead, the Emirati security apparatus exploited a long-standing internal fault line: the mutual, bitter hatred between joint channel heads Aqil Hashemi and Abdul-Fattah Khedmati. While both have historically shared nominal authority over the network, their relationship is pure venom. Yet rather than executing an overnight shutdown, the UAE authorities play a far more calculating game of managed, creeping co-option. They maintain Hashemi as an increasingly isolated counterweight precisely to keep anti-monarchist viewers hooked and prevent a total subscriber revolt, whilst methodically shifting actual operational dominance to Khedmati’s compromised Pahlavist clique.

Over the past few months, this standoff has exploded into a state of sheer, unhinged ideological schizophrenia. If an ordinary viewer visits Kalemeh TV’s YouTube channel today, they are met with total bewilderment: on one playlist, the remaining anti-Pahlavist voices, led by Hashemi, go absolutely hardcore against Reza Pahlavi, systematically exposing his irrelevance, his Zionist servility, and his rabid entourage of Islam-haters; yet right beside those clips, Khedmati and his sycophantic cabal upload full-length broadcasts heaping royal praise on that very same clown prince, desperately whitewashing his degenerate rallies.

Make no mistake about where this calculated circus is heading. While the Pahlavist stooges operate with total state impunity and institutional backing, the few remaining anti-Zionist and anti-monarchist voices are fighting a rear-guard action on borrowed time. Principled du’āt who lack Western passports are systematically sidelined, intimidated, or blackmailed with the ever-present terror of deportation back to the Khomeinist wolves. Through this cynical divide-and-conquer strategy, the UAE has hollowed out the network from within, weaponising an internal civil war to leave a once-uncompromising Sunni pulpit castrated, fragmented, and slowly digested by monarchist opportunism.

These individuals, who built their names claiming to preach pure Tawhid, now openly endorse this clown prince, an outright pawn of Israel. I declare my total disassociation (barā’ah) from these emasculated, toothless, secularist ‘Sunnis’, these hypocritical heretics, these Zionists, and these Pahlavists. They are compromised hypocrites who have abandoned the manhaj for secularism. So long as they stand in the trenches of the Zionist Pahlavists, the Salaf al-Salih, the pious predecessors, and the victorious group of Ahl al-Sunnah remain entirely innocent of them and their filthy betrayals.

Hassan Shemrani

London, United Kingdom

11  September 2026

APPENDIX: JOINT DECLARATION OF IRANIAN SUNNI SCHOLARS (SEPTEMBER 2026)

📥 Download the Original Declaration (PDF)

English Translation

In the Name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful

Statement by a Group of Scholars, Activists, and Well-Wishers of Ahl al-Sunnah Addressed to the Presenters of Kalemeh TV

Allah the Almighty says:

“Let there arise out of you a group of people inviting to all that is good, enjoining what is right, and forbidding what is wrong: and it is they who are successful.” (Qur’an 3:104)

And the Noble Prophet ﷺ said:

“Whoever among you sees an evil, let him change it with his hand; if he is not able to do so, then with his tongue; and if he is not able to do so, then with his heart—and that is the weakest of faith.”

Based on this clear command of the Qur’an and Sunnah, silence in the face of the distortion of religion’s stature, the exploitation of the name of the Sunnah, and the expending of Muslims’ trust for political agendas is not a sign of wisdom, but an abandonment of responsibility. The signing of this statement is not born of personal hostility, rivalry, or political disagreement; rather, it is the fulfillment of a religious duty in enjoining good, forbidding evil, and defending the sanctity of the religion and the trust of the Ahl al-Sunnah community.

Kalemeh TV was built through the hardship, sincerity, and sacrifices of the Ahl al-Sunnah community and sincere supporters of the Islamic call. This media outlet is not the personal property of any individual, clique, host, or commentator to expend its credibility at will upon their personal interests, calculations, and political projects. The name of Tawhid, the Qur’an, and the Sunnah is a sacred trust (amānah) in the hands of all who speak on this network, and this trust must never be converted into a promotional tool for specific individuals and factions.

Our address in this statement is directed particularly at Messrs. Khedmati, Torshabi, and Kiani. If they hold specific political positions, they have every right to express them under their own name, personal responsibility, and individual platforms. However, they have no right to present their personal political inclinations in the name of Ahl al-Sunnah, in the name of Muslims, or in the name of the Qur’an and Sunnah. No one is permitted to spend the religious credibility of Kalemeh TV to promote, whitewash, legitimise, or drum up support for Reza Pahlavi or any other individual, dynasty, party, or political current.

The Ahl al-Sunnah of Iran will not permit a platform built through the sacrifice, patience, blood, and trust of the people to become an instrument for secularising, promoting, or whitewashing a political individual and movement. This asset is not private property; it belongs to the trust of the Muslims who turned to it with the pure intention of benefiting from religious and da’wah content.

There is a fundamental difference between personal political analysis and speaking from the position of the deen. Whenever a commentator, host, or religious network mixes personal political support with verses and hadiths—presenting it as a religious ruling, the official stance of Ahl al-Sunnah, or a religious obligation upon the audience—they intentionally blur the boundary between divine religion and personal politics. Beyond deceiving the viewer, this practice opens the door to the abuse of sacred texts and damages the sanctity of religion.

The Ahl al-Sunnah of Iran holds diverse viewpoints; neither Messrs. Khedmati, Torshabi, and Kiani, nor any single media outlet or clique, are the exclusive representatives of this community. They cannot impose their personal political choices upon all of Ahl al-Sunnah or market them as the consensus stance of the Muslims. Tawhid, the Qur’an, and the Sunnah are neither tools for political rivalry nor the property of any individual, dynasty, or movement.

We demand, clearly and unequivocally, that the directors and presenters of Kalemeh TV:

• Completely separate religious and da’wah activities from personal political stances and propaganda.
• Cease the instrumental abuse of Quranic verses, hadiths, and sacred concepts to legitimise political figures and factions.
• Cease expending the name of Ahl al-Sunnah and the credibility of this network on promoting Reza Pahlavi or any other individual or current.
• Honestly declare to the audience whether a given statement is personal political analysis or a religious position grounded in the Qur’an and Sunnah.

The signatories of this statement, fully cognizant of their responsibility before Allah, declare that defending the sanctity of the Qur’an, the Sunnah, the Islamic call, and the public trust of Ahl al-Sunnah is a religious obligation. No political, personal, or media considerations shall prevent us from speaking the truth or stopping the deen from being reduced to a tool of political propaganda.

And Allah is the Granter of success and the Guide to the straight path.

Signatories:

Endorsed by a collective of prominent Iranian Sunni scholars, veteran broadcasters, du’āt, and community activists across Iran and the diaspora, including Dr Abdul Rahim Mollazadeh (Abu Muntasir al-Balushi) and Hassan Shemrani.

(Full verified signatures and supporting endorsements are preserved on the official declaration record.)

Original Persian Text (متن بیانیه به زبان فارسی)

بسم الله الرحمن الرحیم

بیانیه جمعی از علما، فعالان و دلسوزان اهل سنت خطاب به کارشناسان کانال کلمه

خداوند متعال می‌فرماید:

«وَلْتَكُنْ مِنْكُمْ أُمَّةٌ يَدْعُونَ إِلَى الْخَيْرِ وَيَأْمُرُونَ بِالْمَعْرُوفِ وَيَنْهَوْنَ عَنِ الْمُنْكَرِ ۚ وَأُولَٰئِكَ هُمُ الْمُفْلِحُونَ»

و پیامبر اکرم ﷺ فرمودند:

«مَنْ رَأَى مِنْكُمْ مُنْكَرًا فَلْيُغَيِّرْهُ بِيَدِهِ، فَإِنْ لَمْ يَسْتَطِعْ فَبِلِسَانِهِ، فَإِنْ لَمْ يَسْتَطِعْ فَبِقَلْبِهِ، وَذَٰلِكَ أَضْعَفُ الْإِيمَانِ»

بر پایه این فرمان روشن قرآن و سنت، سکوت در برابر تحریف جایگاه دین، سوءاستفاده از نام سنت و هزینه کردن از اعتماد مسلمانان برای مقاصد سیاسی، نه نشانه حکمت، بلکه ترک مسئولیت است. امضای این بیانیه نیز نه از سر دشمنی شخصی، رقابت یا اختلاف سیاسی، بلکه ادای وظیفه شرعی در امر به معروف و نهی از منکر و دفاع از حرمت دین و اعتماد جامعه اهل سنت است.

کانال کلمه با رنج، اخلاص و خون دل اهل سنت و دلسوزان دعوت اسلامی شکل گرفته است. این رسانه، سرمایه شخصی هیچ فرد، حلقه، مجری یا کارشناس نیست تا هر زمان که خواستند اعتبار آن را خرج علایق، محاسبات و پروژه‌های سیاسی خود کنند. نام توحید، قرآن و سنت، امانتی در دست همه کسانی است که در این رسانه سخن می‌گویند؛ و امانت را نمی‌توان به ابزار تبلیغ برای اشخاص و جریان‌ها تبدیل کرد.

خطاب ما در این بیانیه، به ویژه آقایان خدمتی، ترشابی و کیانی است. اگر ایشان مواضع سیاسی مشخصی دارند، حق دارند آن را با نام، مسئولیت و تریبون شخصی خود بیان کنند؛ اما حق ندارند موضع سیاسی خویش را به نام اهل سنت، به نام مسلمانان، یا به نام قرآن و سنت عرضه کنند. هیچ کس اجازه ندارد از اعتبار دینی کانال کلمه برای تبلیغ، تطهیر، مشروعیت‌بخشی یا جلب حمایت برای رضا پهلوی و یا هر شخص، خاندان، حزب و جریان سیاسی دیگری هزینه کند.

اهل سنت ایران اجازه نخواهند داد رسانه‌ای که با خون دل، صبر، فداکاری و اعتماد مردم پا گرفته است، به ابزاری برای لائیک‌سازی، تبلیغ یا سفیدنمایی یک فرد و جریان سیاسی بدل شود. این سرمایه، ملک شخصی کسی نیست؛ متعلق به اعتماد مسلمانانی است که با نیت استفاده از محتوای دینی و دعوتی به آن روی آورده‌اند.

تفاوتی اساسی میان تحلیل یا گرایش سیاسی شخصی و سخن گفتن از موضع دین وجود دارد. هرگاه یک کارشناس، مجری یا رسانه دینی، حمایت سیاسی خود را با آیات و احادیث می‌آمیزد و آن را به عنوان حکم شرعی، موضع اهل سنت یا وظیفه دینی مخاطبان معرفی می‌کند، در حقیقت مرز دین و سیاست شخصی را مخدوش کرده است. این کار، افزون بر فریب مخاطب، راه سوءاستفاده از نصوص شرعی را می‌گشاید و به حرمت دین آسیب می‌زند.

جامعه اهل سنت ایران دارای دیدگاه‌های گوناگون است و هیچ یک از آقایان خدمتی، ترشابی و کیانی، و نیز هیچ رسانه یا حلقه‌ای، نماینده انحصاری این جامعه نیستند. آنان نمی‌توانند انتخاب سیاسی خود را بر همه اهل سنت تحمیل کنند یا آن را به عنوان موضع عمومی مسلمانان عرضه نمایند. توحید، قرآن و سنت نه ابزار رقابت سیاسی‌اند و نه ملک یک فرد، خاندان یا جریان.

ما از مدیران و کارشناسان کانال کلمه می‌خواهیم که به صورت روشن و بی ابهام:

• فعالیت دعوتی و دینی را از مواضع و تبلیغات سیاسی شخصی جدا کنند.
• از استفاده ابزاری از آیات، احادیث و مفاهیم مقدس برای تأیید اشخاص و جریان‌های سیاسی دست بردارند.
• نام اهل سنت و اعتبار این رسانه را خرج تبلیغ رضا پهلوی یا هر فرد و جریان دیگری نکنند.
• به مخاطبان صادقانه اعلام کنند که یک سخن، تحلیل شخصی و سیاسی است یا موضعی دینی و مستند به قرآن و سنت.

امضاکنندگان این بیانیه، با آگاهی از مسئولیت خود در پیشگاه خداوند، اعلام می‌کنند که دفاع از حرمت قرآن، سنت، دعوت اسلامی و اعتماد عمومی اهل سنت، وظیفه‌ای شرعی است. هیچ ملاحظه سیاسی، شخصی یا رسانه‌ای نباید ما را از بیان حق و جلوگیری از تبدیل شدن دین به ابزار تبلیغات سیاسی بازدارد.

و الله الموفق والهادی إلی سواء السبیل

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